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Articles
How can we fight Terrorism for Humanity
Nawal El Saadawi,
Egypt
I. What do we mean by the word "terrorism"?
Today is the
eleventh of September 2003, the anniversary of the attacks launched
against the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. On this day I am
at my desk on Peaks Island in Maine writing my intervention for
the conference entitled "Fighting Terrorism for Humanity."
The invitation to this conference was sent to me by the Prime Minister
of Norway "Kjell Magne." I have heard that amongst those
who will attend this conference are a number of the Heads of State
including the president of the United State "George W. Bush."
I have also been told that the General Secretary of the United Nation
organization "Kofi Annan" will open the conference on
the morning of September 22, 2003.
In front of
me are the morning newspapers of Portland Maine, which lies on the
northern most part of the Atlantic coast in the United States. I
came to Portland at the beginning of last January as a visiting
professor at the University of Southern Maine for one academic year.
The main headline
of the Portland Press Herald says "President George Bush declares
that there is a need to extend police powers in order to fight terrorism."
This declaration was made on the occasion of the second anniversary
of the September 11 attack. He explained that Patriot Act I issued
in 2001 was insufficient to fight against "terrorism"
and that new measures were necessary, measures which would permit
the withdrawal of United States citizenship from people "suspected
of having some relationship with terrorism," to prevent the
leakage of any information concerning individuals arrested and put
in prison or suspicion without trial or legal proceedings, to allow
the analysis and registration of their DNA characteristics, help
to obtain detailed information about matters which might concern
their intimate and private life, abolish bail in proceedings as
a way of legal release, and engage in police arrests without subpoenas
from the courts.
These measures
envisioned as effective ways in the fight against terrorism, are
they not in themselves of a "terrorist" nature, a reflection
of a "terrorism" imposed by the State, by the rulers of
the United States in the name of their "war against terrorism"?
Perhaps that is why they are meeting with a mounting opposition
from law makers in the Republican and Democratic parties, from political
and academic institutions, from peoples organizations and associations
for whom issues related to democracy and the loss of civil liberties
are becoming a growing concern.
If the policies
being implemented by the United States administration are shot through
with an increasing violence against the American people said to
be needed in order to ensure their "protection against future
terrorist attacks" and maximize "internal security"
would it be surprising if the violence exercised against other poorer,
weaker peoples in the world is reaching the proportions we are witnessing
today in the so called "war against terrorism" and the
"spread of democracy"?
I keep wondering
how the military intervention and occupation first of Afghanistan,
then of Iraq can further "the fight against terrorism for humanity."
How the increasing death and destruction meted out to the Afghani
and Iraqi people can quell the fires of hatred or, dissipate the
desperation which helps to fuel the loss of faith in collective,
democratic action. I wonder why the killing of Palestinian men,
women, and children by a regular technologically, nuclear, laser
equipped army continues to be qualified as self defense, why military
invasion and mass massacres by "coalition troops" are
not described as "terrorism" but as civilizing, democratizing
missions meant to free our world of the "Bin Ladens" who
have arisen, and continue to arise in different parts of the world.
Could it be that all these forms of "violence" and "terrorist"
in nature, that a more powerful "terrorism" has helped
to create a far less powerful one, that they are locked in a struggle
that nurtures and maintains both of them, and that in order to "fight
terrorism for humanity" we need to fight both of them to expose
this circle of violence? Could it be that we are and have always
been the victims of "language" and of "terms"
set by the more powerful so that a "terrorism" exercised
by the state internally, or a military invasion and occupation of
another country becomes a part of the "fight against terrorism
for humanity or democracy," that only the opponent who has
recourse to more individual "terrorism," who throws bombs,
or blows himself or herself up to kill others is qualified as "terrorist"?
That is why
when I think of the crime against humanity perpetrated by the "terrorist"
attack on the world Trade Center and the Pentagon on September 11,
2001 which led to the death of 3,000 people, I remember that on
September 11, 1973 the coup engineered by circles, certainly known
to the members of this conference, against the regime of Allende
in Chile led to the death of more than 30,000 people under Pinochet,
and ask myself why human lives should have a different value according
to where they live?
II. Is resistance
to foreign occupation considered "terrorism"?
What I have
said brings me to another point. I come from the Arab region, from
Egypt. For over half a century I have lived with the nightmare of
the Israeli Palestinian conflict. Israel for years has waged a war
against the Palestinian people. It has been a war waged by a regular
army equipped with the most sophisticated weapons, with the help
mainly of the United States, including an uncounted number of nuclear
or hydrogen bombs, against a people with no army, and no weapons
to speak of, against a people whose children and youth fight tanks
and rockets and Apache helicopters and Phantom planes with stones.
As a result "terrorist" responses have grown in the struggle
waged by the Palestinian people for a land of their own, for what
is left of a land which was once their own. This is a struggle for
a place in which to live, for life against death or a living death.
On the one hand
we have Israeli occupiers demolishing homes, uprooting olive trees,
building an apartheid prison wall, establishing settlements on land
which is not theirs, killing, maiming, destroying. On the other
a helpless people many a time driven to desperation, fighting to
liberate themselves from foreign occupation. On the one hand we
have military aggression, on the other self-defense, a right recognized
by the international and national law, the right to defend life,
means of sustenance, water, home. How under such circumstances can
I equate the Israeli soldier who harasses, and hunts, and shoots,
and destroys at every moment to take over what is not his, with
a young man, or a young woman who humiliated, and hungry, and hopeless
is brought to end her life by blowing herself up in order to kill
those whom she perceives as the source of her misery and as the
occupier.
I have always been, and continue to be against "violence"
against "terrorism" in all its forms. But I must understand
what is going on around me, what motivates people to act as they
do, what interests are involved. If I want to "fight terrorism"
for humanity I cannot equate the occupier with the occupied, the
aggressor with the aggressed, the oppressor with the oppressed.
I cannot forget the powerful multinational oil interests that were
an important reasons for the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, nor
the capitalist fundamentalist interests behind Bush/Cheney/Rumsfeld/
Wolfwotiz's "War on Terror," nor the radical ruling class
fundamentalist Wahhabite Seoundi interest behind Bin Laden and his
"Quaida" organization after his alliance with the United
States broke down when the war against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan
was over. Where as the young Palestinian girl Ayab Al Akhrass blew
herself up at an Israeli checkpoint in the struggle against the
occupiers of her land, and the daily humiliation suffered at their
hands. Knowing that men and women can sometimes just in defense
of their human dignity prefer suicide rather than surrender.
Fleeing survivors
of military occupation or terrorism usually look upwards at the
sky for help. The sky is always silent and passive. It drives them
towards individual action.
Suicide bombers
are looked upon as terrorist or fanatic religious people. However,
they are in most cases products of state military and police terrorism,
whether Christians, Muslims, Jews, Hindus or others. They are people
that suffered extreme grievances and violence which culminate in
suicide bombing, as a sign of complete desperation, and loss of
hope for any just solutions to their sufferings.
In any case
the American and Israeli military occupation forces do not have
any moral or human highground over suicide bombers in Palestine,
Iraq, Afghanistan or other countries.
III. Why
Terrorism in our age?
"Terrorism"
is not a new development. It has existed throughout the ages, has
been bred and nurtured by injustice and oppression, and is linked
to extremism, whether racial, sexual, political or religious. Often
it is a combination of more than one extremism.
However, the most common form of "terrorism" visible in
our recent modern and post-modern times is that related to religious
fundamentalism entrenching itself in different parts of the world
including Asia, the Arab countries, Israel, the United States etc.
The question which here arisen is why at the end of the twentieth
century and the beginning of the twenty first century there should
be this wave of religious fundamentalism accompanied by anti-democratic
"terrorist" extremism and violence? Why in this age of
technological progress (linked especially to information and communication)
and the tremendous possibilities it offers to the humankind should
there be this retrograde movement towards religious (and racial)
fundamentalism accompanied by "terrorist" activities.
Perhaps the
answer to this question lies in the fact that despite the progress
attained on many fronts in this so called "age of globalization"
technological progress not only has failed to solve the difficulties
faced by the vast majority of people in the world, but that during
the past decades they have tended to grow more serious. With the
falling rate of profit in the real economy and under the pressure
of technological competition the multi-national companies in control
of the world economy have launched an offensive. Only one third
of the world economy is related to the real, that productive economy.
The other two thirds are involved in paper investments, in speculations
and financial operations. The gap between the rich and the poor
is growing. Where if poverty has decreased in some parts of the
so-called South it is still widespread and rampant. Unemployment
is on the rise (800 million according to ILO figures) social security
is shrinking, social services where they exist are becoming more
expensive, currency values are dropping in mot countries as a result
of inflation. The social, economic, educational, health and cultural
conditions of people in the world are witnessing a steady deterioration.
The hopes of people in the countries of the South have been dashed
to the ground after they attained a fictitious independence in which
their economy remained subservient to the multi-nationals controlling
the "Free Market" and "Free Trade". They are
riddled in debt and "foreign investment" or "structural
adjustment" operating across their boundaries has pumped money
out rather than in through "Free Trade" (which is not
free). Socialism as practiced in the once upon a time "second
world" collapsed leaving its countries a prey to predatory
mafias. In Europe and the United States people are wondering what
had happened to their "democratic way of life," to their
"democratic impact" on the future of society. They are
confused, uncertain, insecure.
In such an atmosphere
many seek solace and comfort in religion, hence the religious revival.
Religion had always been used for political purposes, and this together
with the revival explains the growth of fundamentalist forces. In
India a Hindu fundamentalism rules. In the United States a neo-conservative,
neo-liberal capitalist and fundamentalist ruling group holds the
reins of power. In Asia and in the Arab countries Islamic fundamentalist
movements have grown. In Israel Sharones likud(?) and his coalition
partners in government are largely fundamentalist.
Fundamentalism
breeds "terror" whether in the state or amongst political
and social movements. It breeds "terror" and terrorist
responses to "terror". It breeds a hatred of democracy,
and a love for control, necessary to dominate and pacify the growing
masses of restive people at home, and abroad. Fundamentalism is
the refuge and ally of the corporations, for in "God they trust"
to lead people blindfolded, to make them resigned and humble towards
powers they cannot control. Fundamentalism helps them to create
conflict where needed, to "divide and rule". It is an
excuse for violence, and militarism and war, since Satan must be
fought, and Satan in everywhere in Baghdad, in Pyongyang, in Tehran
and in about sixty countries where terrorism has chose to lie low.
IV. How can
we fight Terrorism for Humanity?
1.By fighting war. War is the central issue in the world of today.
If peace prevails, conflicts and violence and "terrorism"
will cease to grow. Slowly but surely nations and people will find
it easier to learn to live side by side, engage in dialogue, turn
their attention to solving the problems facing the world. Fundamentalist
"terrorist" ideologies will wither away, and more security
will prevail. Rulers and politicians will no longer easily find
excuses to sponsor Patriot Acts, to attack civil liberties and human
rights, to restrict the democratic participation of people in mapping
and deciding the present, and the future of their societies, of
their world and where it goes. In the absence of war invasion and
occupation of other countries will no longer be feasible and the
militarization of the United States, which buttresses its economic
clout will shrink more and more. If peace prevails economic policies
can change. Instead of money spent on arms, money will go houses,
to hospitals, to schools, to production of goods, to wages and social
benefits instead of pouring into the coffers of multinationals working
to produce arms, and into the media beating the drums of violence
and discord and war. In the absence of war violence of all kinds
against women and children, minorities and races, will no longer
be as easy as before. In the absence of war scientific research
will move away from weapons of mass destruction, from rockets and
planes and warships, to making the environment healthy, preserving
the riches of nature, to the development of welfare, and health
and knowledge. In the absence of war the democratic evolution of
society will move forward.
I say that if we really want to fight terrorism for humanity we
must begin to fight war with determination, to mobilize people for
peace and justice. And to do this we must help them to see all the
economic, political, social and cultural consequences of the policies
of a ruling minority in the world who can only maintain their power
through aggression, militarization, and war.
2. To fight
war nuclear weapons should be banished completely. This view is
endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly and is enshrined
in the Non-Proliferation Treaty which was signed by 187 nations.
All countries in our region signed this treaty except Israel.
Israel continued
to develop its nuclear weapons secretly, although it was common
knowledge even before Mordechai Vanum's disclosures, published by
the Sunday times on 5th October 1986.
The acquisition
of nuclear weapons by one country would induce other countries to
acquire these weapons, to bring the nuclear asymmetry to an end.
The development of nuclear weapons by the United States and Israel
encourages others to follow suit, as a means of protection, against
possible attacks from them, especially after the policy of preventive
strikes have been endorsed by the Bush administration. Therefore
the only solution is to enforce nuclear disarmament on all countries
without exceptions.
Nawal El Saadawi
Portland, Maine, USA
11 September 2003
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